When Walls Speak: Memoirs of a house

When Walls Speak: Memoirs of a house



This text is dedicated to Maha, who gently held my hand and walked me thru the narrow streets and the old houses of 3ein Mreisseh, when we first met.



The sea


I remember the first time I saw the sea in 1926. I didn’t understand the dynamic nature of what appeared in front of me since I was a young static and eclectic figure. I could not sleep the first night; the waves embracing the rocks were too loud. But, with time, I got used to the discontinuity of the sound as it helped me sleep along with night birds and wild flowers.



The couple


I was getting used to the silence around me with minor interruptions. Then one day, a young newly-wed couple moved in. Younes, with a tall & skinny figure, was in his last year at the University studying Civil Engineering. Salwa, whose eyes were as blue as the façade view, has never been to the city before. I remember their first week of encounters; the tension, frustration, and lack of experience that flowed. But I could sense Love floating within the rooms, and I could feel it in the walls, as they seemed to know each other from before.


As the days passed, the knot in the relation began to untie, and we all lived beautiful days & nights. And what started as two people became seven souls, a few years later.



Noise


I wish I could go back to the early days: Younes & Salwa walking or dancing, other figures like me being shed around. Sound was what came from nature. Then suddenly, a weird four-wheel machine with an engine and tires started to make way on my street. It was horrible. Many of them started to show up, and soon the streets were getting wider. Again, another day, Younes brought a big rectangular box that he plugged in the wall. Instantly, music came out of it, and it was magic. The first time, I heard Abdel Wahab singing an old Sayyed Darwish mawwal, the walls shivered.


After a while, I had to adapt to the new noises: the cars, the children growing up, the radio, the telephone… Technology is loud.



Independence


That day I became officially Lebanese. I felt encircled & captive. I never understood frontiers beyond what nature had provided. There was a lot of movement around me that day. But the feeling was mixed between supporters of Independence and others who were wary of the division with a more natural geography. I remember Younes being mad, he went into the house and turned on the radio. He looked scared, and he thought it was going to be the beginning of trouble. Salwa did not understand the political event either, as her extended family lay on the other side of these new artificial fences.



The Nakba


One day Younes & Salwa moved all their sons & daughters into their bedroom and quickly rearranged the other 3 bedrooms along with a complete redecoration of the living space. I heard them say thru the kitchen walls that family friends from Haifa will be staying here for few weeks, as there was trouble in Palestine. I was present when the family arrived. They came on a boat to the port of Saida at first. They were ten people spreading over three generations. They were nice, and they were very lightly packed. I remember the little ten year old girl Nawal limping as she was hit with a small shrapnel that through her leg, during a sudden attack by a Zionist gang on civilians. She received all the care and attention, even from me. I watched her every night.


Then, the few weeks became few months, and the family decided to rent a small house in the city awaiting their return. I haven’t seen them since, and I don’t know if they have ever returned back to Haifa.



Salwa


Salwa suddenly became ill. The doctors could not help her at home, so they moved her to a hospital for a more accurate diagnosis. Few weeks later, Salwa passed away. She was 56 years old leaving five children and two grandchildren. She was a quiet woman. She lived most of her life within her head and inside her thoughts & dreams. She repressed all her feelings, since she never knew how to channel them. She devoted her life to her family and home. She was my true companion. Younes’ tears still mark the bedroom tiles.


Few weeks later, I found myself alone again, but filled with memories, children’s writings, posters, and the remains of musical waves on my walls.



No more lies: Destruction Everywhere


How can one forget the war years? Aren’t bullet holes on the façade and in the back enough souvenirs? Or the looting of old candlesticks, iron ornaments, Maurice chairs, and floor tiles? I tried to force the militia men out when they hijacked the house. War felt like rape of all structures.


Everything was different during those years; the street noise, the smell in the air, the breathing of humans, and the relations to space. The beautiful windows and balconies became open scary sources of death; they had to be closed. The little bathroom air opening became a favorite sniper spot. The sun didn’t make it in, and the sea became far away.



A new day!!!


They said a new day will arrive and wash away all the stains of the past days & nights, but I am still waiting for that day of the messiah. For now, I am a cracked façade with broken arches, and rotten wooden doors that lead to an empty envelope. Inside, I can only hear the reverberation of sad sounds of bad-blood-days and bomb-illuminated nights.



My last week: Demolition Everywhere


The grandsons of Younes know nothing about this house. They see a plot for market speculation, and millions of dollars for their security in a country that provides no security to its passport holders.


They think I am short; I am ugly, and out-dated. They say that the sea façade in Beirut no longer belongs to locals. They lost the sense of taste. I don’t blame them. They can barely taste food, how should they develop a taste for culture? I don’t blame them. They never lived here. The war broke the thread of attachment to this place that was never sealed back.



Today, as I listen through the vineyard, I am no longer an old house that materializes history and links the past with the present; but an entertainer for foreign investors and expatriates. I am a “charmante artiste” like the ones I used to hear going into the clubs of Zeytouneh long time ago. I am a heavy extra-addition on a land worth gold.


The grandsons of Younes told me that if I wear a green dress, many rich guys will get aroused and they would pay a lot of money for me. They forced me to wear this overall ghost-net green dress. They are telling me that it will be a rebirth in something more interesting and more profitable. But, for me, I don’t see new beginnings, it feels like death. And I don’t want to die. I have roots in the ground just like green trees.


The day before last, one of the inheritors came for one last look. He whispered inside: “I am not to blame for the go-down; I am a victim just like you are. I barely can provide for my family. Heritage & culture cannot be an individual choice that ultimately becomes a burden. It is a collective responsibility that I cannot carry alone. A piece of me is getting destroyed as well my dear.”



The concrete pulverizers & drills went into action quickly. At the first instance, I felt a huge pain, and then quickly I fell into complete silence and darkness.






Now that we have a stamp...

.. all we need is the state.


This stamp for the State of Palestine is now available for travellers to the country. It is neither legal nor  official, but sure is legitimate. Khlaed Jarrar, the guy who made it, is stamping visitor's passports and sharing updates here.
My favorite update was a comment sent to Khaled by a traveller with a "State of Palestine" stamp on his passport after going through Ben Gurion Airport on his way to South Africa:
Just a short note to say thank you for you bold project of legitimising the Palestinian state. At Ben Gurion the only response I got from security was, “Oh, I have not seen this before” and when I arrived at immigration in Cape Town, the official said, “Oh, that is beautiful.” I kid you not, that’s the exact words!
I want one on my passport, hoping that a visit soon follows. Check him out stamping traveller's passports, and if you manage to catch him, make sure to honour your passport with one.
 

ليه ضروري تنزل النساء على المظاهرات بالبلدان العربية؟

 ١. لأنه لحد الآن الثورات الي شاركت فيه النساء بكثافة (تونس ومصر) هي الوحيدة اللي نجحت.
٢. لأنه وجودهم راح يضاعف عدد المتظاهرين.
٣. لأنه الإعلام بيحب شكل النساء بالمظاهرات، وراح يغطيها اكتر بوجودهم.
٤. لأنه وجود النساء بيأكد انه المتظاهرين مش "عملاء ومندسين" وبيميز المظاهرات المحقة عن مسيرات "الشبيحة" و"البلطجية" (شفتولكم بهالمظاهرات شي "عميلة" او "شبيحة" انثى؟).
٥. لأنه بعد في عسكر ما بيقبل يضرب امرأة، وهيدا راح يخفف من ردة فعل النظام العنيفة.
٦. لأنه اذا فعلاً نجحت الثورة  بلا مشاركة النساء، راح ترجعنا ذكورية الرجال اللي راح يعتبروا حالهم منتصرين شي ١٠٠ سنة لورا.
٧. لأنه إذا ما نجحت الثورة، وزاد الديكتاتور بشبابنا قمع اكتر، مش راح يبقى من ذكوريتهم شي لا بيهيج او بيحبل.
٨. لأنه مين بيعرف شو هي الأفكار الجديدة اللي ممكن يطلعوا فيها النسوان اذا نزلوا.
٩. لأنه النساء كمان بدهم الحرية واسقاط النظام.

طيب وين النساء بمظاهرات سوريا؟ طول عمرهم النساء السوريات يعلمونا عن النضال والشجاعة، شو عمبيصير اليوم؟ حدا يفسرلي

Bitter Words

I love learning you see, I always did.. in fact it is one of my most consistent sources of motivation.. even more than love, ambition, and definitely more than any earthly desire. So why then am I resisting it? Why is it that instead of reading about corruption and the state (which I really do want to learn about) am I looking up the words fro Sheikh Imam's song "dour ya kalam"? If my desire was "to know", why would I, a couple of decades after reading Freire for the first time and preaching about participatory education and the centrality of the lived experience in a person's learning choose to fly for 5 hours and isolate myself in a foreign country to "learn"? A country that forces me to write in a language which, 5 years on, I still do not own. Knowledge packaged from an external perspective which places me as I read it outside of my own communities and outside of my natural gaze. A space that finds my engagement in the most vibrant time in my part of the world a "distraction". I am required to leave the place I call home for that learning, not to learn about other places and worlds as traveling allows, but to isolate myself from that same place I want to study and produce what academia approves of about it.

But damn are my mind and spirit defiant. They keep on taking me back to my language, building walls between myself and the institution by which I aim to be endorsed.. and make finishing this PhD way too difficult.

Palestinians in Lebanon: Representation or Voice?

Sunday a couple of weeks ago I had the privilege of sitting alongside hundreds of supporters of the Palestinian cause in the 7th Annual Conference of the SOAS Palestine Society in London. Listening to the vibrant experiences of activists from the west bank, Gaza, Israel, the US and Europe, I felt excited and empowered. Still, I could not but agonise about the absence of the voice of Palestinian refugees, or  better said, that of the Palestinians in the neighbouring countries, especially Lebanon and Syria.

This was not the first such international activist space for Palestine to be so, and it is not because those of us in the Arab neighbouring countries are being excluded. On the margin of the meeting a young Palestinian is pushing for a campaign on representation of all Palestinians in what they hope to be a revived Palestinian National Council. I am provoked to search who among the Palestinian community in Lebanon does represent me, not by necessity in the global struggle for Palestine, but at least within Lebanon. Needless to say the answer to that quest was not easy; we are trapped between the patriarchal non-representative warring political factions and corrupt charities, and the eager to please official Palestinian representation alongside the Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee (LPDC). The problem was not one of representation – as in electing an individual to speak on our behalf -, it was one of voice. There was nobody to represent us, because our own voice of what we need and want was stifled by many years of marginalization in countries for which oppression of rights and expression was the norm. Today, our silence as Palestinians in Arab countries reveals as much about Arab coercion as it does about Palestinian vulnerability.

It is in search of that voice that I drafted the below. What do I need today to regain the ability to speak for my rights? What do we as Palestinians in Lebanon need to do in our quest for true representation?

1. Break out of the externally imposed identification of the Palestinians in the Diaspora as mere “refugees”: That image, though as dear to us as Naji El-Ali's Handala and Kanafani's Umm Sa'ed should not summarise who we are, even those of us who live in the camps and hold ID cards that label us as refugees. Being mere refugees has trapped us in the status of victims and made our plight a humanitarian one rather than a political struggle. This was not our doing, it was part of a process of depoliticization of the Palestinian cause by the international community even before the creation of the state of Israel. Today we have an international relief agency (ie UNRWA) as a quasi government for service provision without any capacity from our side to impact the policy, operation, and funding of that agency. Our image of deprivation is used by, and at times even nurtured, by many non-governmental organisations to attract aid that we only get a fraction of and which only serves to further deepen our dependency.

Abandoning that label as the primary identity of who we are is not a waiver of our right of return nor a denial that we as people were displaced by force out of Palestine. It is true we are refugees, but there is more to being Palestinian than that. How we frame who we are today needs to be guided not by the labels imposed on us by international organizations, nor merely by our past, but by how we envision ourselves in the future. Being Palestinian is about our aspirations and victories, not our suffering and defeats.

2. Recognise that the array of backgrounds and experiences that we have is our strength: Linking being Palestinian to suffering and the refugee status has often caused us to shun those who we thought “have not suffered enough” or who have taken a nationality other than the dreadful travel document of the Lebanese state. True, many of us have lived through horrible times, either through periods of crisis like wars in the camps and Israeli invasions, or due to the longer lasting systemic policies that have impoverished us and instilled in whole generations of youth a deep sense of despair. True, if you do not live in the camp and  have a nationality that would allow you a relatively decent job and better education, you might be better empowered to raise your voice, but this does not make you by necessity wiser or more worthy of speaking on behalf of Palestinians (just like yours truly is pretending to do in this text). Yet on the other hand, holding refugee status, and suffering discrimination does not give you exclusivity or 'premium' rights to the Palestinian identity. This in any case should not be our discussion, we all want justice for all Palestinians, we all want an end to the Israeli colonisation and the right for return, and we will do much better if we fought for these together and in equality. Equality also includes forging a partnership between those of us less fortunate, and others among us who managed to accumulate wealth and status; a partnership that goes beyond the former being the recipient of aid from the later.

3. Contribute to the visioning process of the right for return:
Today, the “right of return”, though thankfully still at the core of the Palestinian demands, has lost its essence for Palestinians in the Diaspora. Its use appears like reliance on a sedative or pain killers; a mere word said for the rights of the refugees but until it becomes a reality their situation is put on hold. Within Lebanon we use it as proof in the face of Lebanese right wing attacks on Palestinians that “we really do not want to take over your country”. We are at times so defeated in front of discriminatory policies in our countries of residence  that “return” is the only way we can imagine to escape it.  We are implying that once a resolution is reached in Palestine we will pack our stuff and leave, as if we never existed there.  This is not true, and does not help our envisioning of what “return” truly involves, and does not help the Lebanese either. The 65 years of presence in Lebanon has marked both the Palestinians and the Lebanese (and I dare to say positively). No matter what place a Palestinian who was born in Lebanon eventually decides to call home, her experiences in Lebanon will remain part of who she is.

Among the broader struggle, few are those who write about the right of return with simultaneous understanding of both the situation of Palestinians in the Diaspora and that of the places they envision them to return to, making “return” sound like a mere redistribution of people over maps and not one of complex socio-economic realities of the people and the places they inhabit. Those most deserving of and eager for a return are the ones who know the least about the reality of life on the ground for Palestinians in different areas of historic Palestine. A person who lives in Rashidiyeh refugee camp in the south of Lebanon will probably know very little about a Palestinian only tens of kilometres away in Nazareth; At least much less than a Palestinian American who has the nationality which allows him to visit both Lebanon and Israel. There is no need to reiterate how the fragmentation of the region is mirrored as rupture between the different Palestinian communities, but there is a necessity to support channels of communication that allow for a richer collectively owned vision. A vision that hopefully is free to imagine Palestine of the future not merely as the antithesis of Israel.

4. Combine the struggle for Palestine with the fight against discrimination in Lebanon: For us to be able to return we need to be able to grow as individuals and groups, and we need to improve our living conditions in Lebanon. Demanding our rights in Lebanon and improving our situation is to strengthen us as we engage in our struggle. Living a decent life will not make us any less Palestinian or less deserving of return. The dismal situation which tens of thousands of Palestinians in Lebanon are living in cannot persist till the aspired-for return. Whoever makes the claim now to be fighting for the rights of Palestinians cannot only be looking at the strategic without seeing that the urgent needs of today make obtaining that strategic ever more difficult. The immediate needs cannot merely be dealt with through charity or further knocking on UNRWA's doors. We need to be demanding that Lebanon respects its obligations as host state.

5. Make clear the links between our struggle against discrimination in Lebanon and the broader Lebanese struggle for democracy and justice: Organising for the rights of Palestinians in Lebanon supports the rights of the Lebanese too, and does not do them injustice as some would claim. A state that respects non-citizens, like refugees and migrant workers, is the same one that respects its own citizens. Every time a breach of the rights of Palestinians is allowed, the strength of the rights framework within Lebanon is weakened. The arbitrary detention of a Palestinian today means that arbitrary detention is accepted. If he or she is tortured in prison, that means that the torture apparatus is functioning and allowed victims to practice on. Soon enough these same measures will be used against some “less favourable” Lebanese (and they are).

In the post war period most Palestinians have shied away from engaging politically in Lebanon, especially given the disastrous interventions of the Palestinian political factions in the past. Palestinian political silence deepened in the post 2005 period with the ongoing crisis in Lebanon. Today as some Lebanese are engaged in action for a just non-sectarian system, a partnership for the rights of the Palestinians can only do both struggles well, as it supports the rights-for-all discourse as opposed to the logic of sectarian distribution of benefits. We are all victims of the same injustice, and our fight will be stronger together. For Lebanese activists, this is an invitation to take on board the demands of the Palestinians in nation wide campaigns.

What does all of that mean practically? I started writing this piece as a contribution to a developing activism plan by Palestinians in Lebanon and I need to translate it into applicable action. Possibly the right intervention now is one that organises around issues that combine social, economic and political demands, and is aligned with the Lebanese fights for Justice. One such example could be electricity supplies in the camps; while the condition of electricity varies in different camps, they are in most subject to the whim of a dysfunctional camp committee and the local factions, as well as the negotiation on its delivery with the local Lebanese authorities. All of that is further complicated by the chaos within the camp. As the Lebanese suffer from the same corrupt management of electricity production and supply in Lebanon, this could be a space for joint action. Other spaces could be the accessibility and functioning of professional syndicates, garbage collection, and the corruption of charitable institutions and international aid.

Wherever we start, we can change our course of action along the way and make discoveries about our priorities and how best to obtain them. Only through that though can we recover our muffled voice – not by identifying individuals to speak on our behalf, but by strengthening the community which pushes people forward to speak for demands it had already formulated.

خبيصة

بهالثورات، خابصة هويتي منيح معي.. مش عمبعرف، يعني كفلسطينية ركز على موضع التمثيل الفلسطيني ولا التصور الشعبي الشبابي، ولا حملة انا ٤٧.. ولا كلبنانية على اسقاط النظام الطائفي، ولا على مصر اللي جاي النيوليبرالية تاكلها؟ ولا على ليبيا اللي جاي الامبراطورية تنيكها؟ ولا على البلدان اللي عمتشتغل على التغيير برواق مثل البحرين؟ ولا علي اليمن اللي ما حدا دريان فيها؟ ولا على وضع المرأه بكل هالمعمعة؟ ولاعلى شو ممكن تقدم الأكاديميا.. او الجمعيات او حراكنا الاجتماعي والسياسي.. طيب ولا بشتغل مع الأصحاب بلبنان؟ ولا بما اني بلندن بنقيلي موضوع مثل مقاطعة الشركات الاسرائيلية..
اف.. بطلع بالآخر مش عمبعمل حتى الشغل اللي بيطلعلي مصاري تأدفع ايجاري. وماكسيموم يعني، ماكسيموم.. بغير الستاتيس على فايسبوك

نجمة

يقف الظابط مذهولاً امام الحشود.

"من اين اتى هؤلاء، اين كانوا، وهل غابت عنهم بصمات الأعوام الثلاثين التي قضيت اغلبها اتدرج زاحفاً الى رتبتي هذه؟  كنت انتظر ترقيتي آخر هذا الشهر بعد انتظار اعوام اربعة. ربما تمكنّي زيادة الراتب أن استكمل جهاز ابنتي او اشتري للصغار جهاز الكومبيوتر الذي يحلمون به. ربما كانت لتضيف النجمة الجديدة على كتفي هيبة تستشعرها زوجتي التي منذ ما يشابه القرن باتت تتمنع كلما توددت اليها. ربما تسمح تلك النجمة لهذه القامة، او بعض منها بالانتصاب.

من هؤلاء الذين يملؤون الساحات ويظهرون اليوم على الشاشات باسمين .. من هي تلك الفتاة ذات الشعر الأجعد التي باتت تظن ان المكان والزمان ملكها؟ من تلك الأخرى تندد بالتعذيب في السجون؟  التعذيب.. هو ان تكون الفاعل والمفعول به اقول.. التعذيب ان تقف بين بدي ظابطٍ يكبرك نجمة او نجمتين .. يتخلص من ذل ظابط يزيده نجوماً عبر اذلالك.. فتعود انت الى مجنديك وسجنائك تحمل ذلك وذل مرؤوسيك.. هذا هو التعذيب.. هذه هي الأثقال التي تتطأطئ  تحتها قامتي. وتسأل نفسك، اين اتخلص من حملي هذا؟ اين أُخفيه حتى لا تراه زوجتي حين اعود الى منزلي هذا المساء؟

انا لم اختر ذلك، لم أختر ذلك.. قيل لي "كلية الشرطة المصرية"، أبي أرادني ظابطاً ليزهو بي. أبي ارادني ظابطاً كي اعيل عائلتي لأنه هو لم يتمكن من اعاله عائلته. رحمك.. وسامحك الله يا والدي.

ها هو امامي، احدهم. العلم المصري على كتفيه، في يده شعار لأسقاط ذلك الذي كان سيأمر بترقيتي وزيادة راتبي. ها هو يمر امامي باسماً مزهواً بقامته. ربما لو رأته زوجتي لأختارته دوني. نهار عملي انتهى لكن لا قدرة لي على العودة الى المنزل. ماذا اقول لها الليلة؟ كيف اخبرها عن غدٍ لا اعرف معالمه؟ لا زيادة في الراتب ولا في النجوم بل متاهة غموض تبتلعني. من سأكون غداً؟ من اكون دون النجوم على كتفي."

يُخرِج الظابط مسدسه. يتردد لثواني.. يصوبه على الحشود. يعود ويصوبه على صدغه. ترتجف اصابعه قبل ان تطلق النار.. على نجمة في وسط علم على كتف شاب يحمل شعاراً مطالباً باسقاط النظام

War, dictatorships, and enemies of enemies..

In the year 2003, and when people were marching in the millions against the imminent war on Iraq, I chose a demonstration in Beirut that was one of the smallest. Organized by groups of leftist youth, around three thousand demonstrators walked under the banner “no to war, not to dictatorships”. Some criticized the slogans for equating the “War led by the US” with “Saddam who was one of our own”. Other demonstrators on that same international day of solidarity with Iraq marched holding pictures of Saddam Hussein, equating opposition to the war with the support of Saddam, the dictator; following a cherished Arabic proverb “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”.

Since then, and with the aid of Mr. Bush’s post 9/11 clear dichotomy between good and evil, we continued to choose not friends, but enemies of enemies. Bush had already decided that what the majority of Arabs cherished and aspired for was evil, and many of the Arab leaders (read dictators) presented themselves as the defenders of these same things. Saddam was not the only one who was clearly an “enemy” of the US agenda in the Middle East, but so was Assad of Syria, the Iranian regime, radical Muslim groups, Aljazeera of Qatar, you name it. All those rose in popularity, not because they had by necessity any intrinsic qualities that make them worthy of that support, but because they appeared to be against that which we too stood against.

The dichotomy Bush created was deeper and has inflicted countries across the world; that of Security vs. Freedom, as if both can’t coexist. We were told that since the dangers against us were so blatant, we had to let go of some of our freedoms to guarantee protection. Regionally, Iraq was descending into chaos, and life there was not one the citizens of the Arab countries wanted, so many of us chose to keep our dictators and their tight control. Some of leftists in Tunisia thus, were convinced by their dictator that having him in control (despite him being the enemy) is better than having the chaos and control of the Islamic groups as in Algeria. When the army indiscriminately attacked civilians in Lebanon’s Nahr el-Bared in 2007 and held prisoners without trials, some were OK with it because, “after all” as one friend put it “we don’t want our country to become another Iraq”. The same goes for many of the countries allied with the USA in the region, including Jordan and above all Egypt. Was that not exactly what Mubarak has said and done in the past couple of weeks? His exact words were “If I resign now there will be chaos”, and his actions as he released his thugs and camels on the demonstrators gave us an example of what chaos is.

This was not always the case though. What I learnt about politics as a child in the 70’s and 80’s was very different. I was told that dictatorships were evil, including that of Saddam, Assad, and Mubarak, no matter what agenda they claimed to follow. That Arab dictatorships in particular (though I was raised in an Arab nationalist house) were evil and that freedom inside these countries was not only a goal by itself, but also the only way we could obtain liberation from the Israeli occupation and the imperialist agenda in the region. That occupation and oppression were one and the same; in fact that the former was not possible without the latter. That security and freedom were one and the same; indeed the former was not possible without the latter.
I am reminded of this now, not only by the words of one soon to leave dictator, but by the clarity with which the Egyptians have been stirring their revolution.